
Margaret
Sanger,
DEBATE
ON BIRTH CONTROL
1921
[This version is abridged.
For the full version, click here.]

1
Mrs. Sanger: Mr.
Chairman, and ladies and gentlemen. Mr. Russell and I seem to agree
on some of the points of this argument at least, but as usual with most
opponents of birth control, they have absolutely no intelligent argument.
(Laughter.) They always barricade themselves behind the Bible or the
terrible vengeance of an offended nature. That is exactly what Mr. Russell
is doing now.
2
Now, friends, I want
to say let us get down to fundamental principles. Let us get together
and look at life the way it is now, not as it might have been had Nature
acted thus and so, not as it might be had God done thus and so, but
as we find ousselves [sic.] today. We have a few principles of life
by which we must live, and I claim that everyone of us has a right to
health, to liberty and to the pursuit of happiness. I say furthermore
that birth control is an absolutely essential factor in our living and
having [13] those three principles of happiness. (Applause.)
3
By birth control,
I mean a voluntary, conscious control of the birth rate by means that
prevent conception--scientific means that prevent conception. I don't
mean birth control by abstinence or by continence or anything except
the thing that agrees with most of us, and as we will develop later
on, most of us are glad that there are means of science at the present
time that there are not injurious, not harmful, and all conception can
be avoided.
4
Now let us look upon
life as it really is, and we see society today is divided distinctly
into two groups: those who use the means of birth control and those
who do not.
5
On the one side we
find those who do, use means in controlling birth. What have they? They
are the people who bring to birth few children. They are the people
who have all the happiness, who have wealth and the leisure for culture
and mental and spiritual development. They are people who rear their
children to manhood and womanhood and who fill the universities and
the colleges with their progeny. Nature has seemed to be very kind to
that group of people (Laughter.) [14]
6
On the other hand
we have the group who have large families and have for generations perpetuated
large families, and I know from my work among these people that the
great percentage of these people that are brought into the world in
poverty and misery have been unwanted. I know that most of these people
are just as desirous to have means to control birth as the women of
wealth. I know she tries desperately to obtain the information, not
for selfish purposes, but for her own benefit and for that of her children.
In this group, what do we have? We have poverty, misery, disease, overcrowding
congestion, child labor, infant mortality, maternal mortality, all the
evils which today are grouped in the crowd where there are large families
of unwanted and undesired children.
7
Take the first one
and let us see how these mothers feel. I claim that a woman, whether
she is rich or poor, has a right to be a mother or not when she feels
herself fit to be so. She has just as much right not to be a mother
as she has to be a mother. It is just as right and as moral for people
to talk of small families and to demand them as to want large families.
It is just as moral. [15]
8
If we let, as we
are supposed to do, nature take her course, we will say that we know
that any woman from the age of puberty until the age of the period of
menopause that that woman could have anywhere from 15 to 20 children
in her lifetime, and it will only take one relationship between man
and woman to give her one a year to give her that large family. Let
us not forget that.
***
10
The only weapon that
women have and the most uncivilized weapon that they have to use if
they will not submit to having children every year and a half, the weapon
they use is abortion. We know how detrimental abortion is to the physical
side as well as to the psychic side of woman's life, and yet there are
in this nation, because of these generalities and opinions that are
here before us, that are stopping the tide of progress, we have more
than one million women with abortions performed on them each year.
***
14
We speak of the rights
of the unborn. I say that it is time to speak of those who are already
born. I also say and know that the infant death rate is affected tremendously
by those who arrive last. The first child that comes--the first or second
or third children who arrive in a family, have a far better chance than
those who arrive later.
***
17
Most of us know this.
We know something about the actual conditions of life as it is among
us. In some of the factories of Lowell and Fall River, Mass., it was
found that of the children who work and toil there, under ten years
of age, that 85 percent of them come from families [22] of eight--their
mothers have given birth to eight children--and we find in the south
very much the same thing, excepting a higher percentage of 90 to 93
percent of the children there.
18
That is not the only
thing. We have conditions again that are more disastrous to the race
than child labor or infant mortality, and that is the transmission of
the venereal diseases to the race that is to come.
19
We know that the
mothers and fathers of today produce the race of tomorrow, and know
that unless we have a clean child and a clean stream of blood pouring
through that child that the race of tomorrow is a doomed foregone conclusion.
We know, too, that out of this terrible scourge of disease that we have
90 percent of the insanity in this country, due to syphilis. Anyone
who is dealing with fundamentals would know that these people should
use means to protect themselves against having children. They should
absolutely in due regard to themselves, to their children and to the
race, not allow a child to be born while that disease is running riot
in the system, and then we have [23] that terrible consequence which
is insanity.
***
24
You can't get away
from it, my friend. Large families and poverty and misery go hand in
hand. Now what do we try to do for all these conditions? How do we look
out upon them? We are in a track. Motherhood has been tracked. We find
that most of the social agencies of the country are trying to legislate
these things out of existence. That is all. They run off to Albany and
to Washington and they make eight-hour laws for women in industry, but
they never think of the poor mother in the home who might have eight
hours. Can you think of the mother in the home with eight hours? She
has to go out of the home, out into industry to be protected by the
law. Do you realize that mothers and women never have a night's rest
from the time that they are pregnant, some of them until the door of
nature closes their maternal functions? They never know what it is to
have one whole night's rest. They are up nights with babies. Is this
freedom or liberty? Hasn't she a right to herself--hasn't she a duty
to herself to say [26] when and under what conditions she shall be a
mother?
***
26
Also our child labor--we
make laws in Washington against child labor, hoping we will wipe that
out of existence. For 50 years they have been trying to wipe child labor
off the books in the United States, but they have not succeeded and
they will never succeed until they establish birth control clinics in
those districts where these women are, where they put in birth control
clinics, like they have in Holland--in every industrial section in the
United [27] States where women can come to trained nurses and physicians
and get from them scientific information whereby they may control birth.
***
28
Now Mr. Russell has
said some things that are very interesting to me. He tells us that we
cannot have pleasure without pain. It is a man who is speaking. (Laughter
and applause.) [28] It is very peculiar that Nature only works on the
one side of the human family when it comes to that law. She applies
all the pain to the woman. It is absurd--a perfectly absurd argument
in the face of rational intelligence (applause) to talk about marriage
being for one purpose.
29
Now I claim--and
I differ with Mr. Russell on that--I claim that the sex relationship
has distinctly two functions. It has its love function and it has its
maternal and paternal function. One is quite independent of the other,
and one is just as moral as the other, and if it were not so, then the
laws of this country ought to divorce the woman who is not able to have
children. Absolutely! And we know it does not. We know that the time
the children are created that there is not 1 percent of humanity that
is born or created with that thought in mind. Very few people think
at the time of creation that they are going to create. Most of us are
brought into the world by accident and that is exactly what birth control
is going to change. That is going to make humanity a conscious and voluntary
thing.
30
When we talk of race
suicide, it would take almost a whole afternoon to tell you how futile
that argument [29] is. We know perfectly well, those of us who have
studied the question that in those countries where birth control knowledge
has been at the disposal of the people that, although the birth rate
has gone down, that the death rate has also gone down. Consequently
the population has been accelerated and there has been a better population
because it has been a better and healthier population.
31
If Mr. Russell wants
to talk about the race and does not want race suicide he had better
come over quickly to the ranks of birth control. (Applause.)

Source: Debate
on Birth Control: Margaret Sanger and Winter Russell (Girard, Kansas:
Haldeman-Julius Co., 1921), 12-29. paragraph numbers have been added, and the original pagination appears in brackets.
